| Darko Fritz on Mon, 14 Feb 2000 16:53:24 +0100 |
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| Syndicate: FW: FW: FW: FW: McKenzie Wark on Zizek |
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Why do we all love Zizek?
Where would we be without Slavoj Zizek? Where would the purely
rhetorical leftism of the intellectuals be without hos
rhetorical skills? Why, we would have to actually learn
something about policy. We would have to immerse ourselves in
all the boring details of how to administer education or
welfare, or reform the taxt system, or any of the intricate,
detailed, troublesome issues that actually do differentiate
social democratic from liberal or conservative politics.
Note what Zizek is saying: the far right are indeed right to
oppose a simple minded oppositionalism to the technics of
politics, the little problems of instituting justice. What the
far left and the far right share is a lack of patience for the
problem of allocating resources. Oh for the good old days of
debt financing! Where the problem of the tradeoff between
different allocations of scarce state resources was simply to
borrow more, and more, and more... As for whether there might
be negative effects on the economy as a whole from this approach
to finscal policy, oh let's not bother thinking about that. Too
complicated. Too hard.
And something that involves a real competence, a knowledge of
how political economy actually works, a familiarity with the
evidence and the arguments from the applied knowledge of state
craft.
The only thing 'post political' thesedays is the pseudoleftism
exemplified by Zizek's column on Austrian politics. This rush to
embrace populism and its defusal of politics, its fantasy of
replacing the technics of politics with the fantasy of ideology.
This is a fatal temptation for 'the left' -- the point at which
it outs itself as not being 'the left' at all, but really just a
variant of the rhetoric of the right. It is not the populist
right that is acting 'like' the left in its oppositionalism.
Quite the reverse. 'The left' is really part of the right. A
left wing conservatism, loning for the good old days when
rhetoric and ideology really seemed to rule, when the
specialisation of knowledge as applied to the problem of justice
had not developed within and around the state.
Populism's appeal is for the reinstatement of special status,
usually for groups such as organised labour, small business or
farmers. Usually there is an unstable alliance of two or three
of these groups. They long for a return to the protection of
the state. They want the benefits of international trade but
don't want anyone else to benefit. They want other people's
markets opened while their own to remain closed. In this sense
the response from other European powers to the Austrian
situation is quite appropriate: a threat to withdraw the
benefits Austria enjoys within the (limited and still protected)
world of intra-European trade and immigration.
The instinct of leftist intellectuals is torn by the rise of
populism. We learned the hard way, in the 30s, that flirting
with it is very, very dangerous. But intellectuals also want
their privileges maintained within the state. They (we) want the
benefits of globalisation but not the costs. We want to travel,
to work abroad, have our work known everywhere. Yet we also want
a privileged relation to the state, an authority legitimated by
it (even if only as its internal opposition).
Increasingly irrelevant to the actual problems of state, wary of
too close a flirtation with populism but attracted to its
oppositional rhetoric, there is nowhere for the old style
intellectual to go but into the media. There the old rhetorics
still have a function -- that of filling up column inches.
Providing the illusion of an ideological debate -- something
simple that journalists can dramatise. But what a sorry end for
leftism: retailing old rhetorics to journalists, filling space
in magazines -- and providing comfort to populists in their
refusal of the detail of politics, the technics of justice, the
calculus of compromise. It is not that social democracy hs
betrayed its followers. Quite the contrary, it is the
intellectuals who have failed social democracy, by failing to
grow up, as it has had to, and provide real benefits for its
constituencies.
And how pathetic that it takes the populist right to mount a
critique of social democracy when it fails! Where are the
intellectuals who refused the benefits of complicity with social
democracy in power, who had something more than a rhetorical
critique of its shortcomings?
k
______________________________________
McKenzie Wark http://www.mcs.mq.edu.au/~mwark
Guest Scholar, American Studies, New York University
"We no longer have origins we have terminals"
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